The Maldives’ main opposition party, the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), held its fifth National Congress from October 1 to 3.

The congress, which is the party’s highest decision-making body, adopted significant changes to the MDP’s internal structure. It abolished the posts of party president and vice president, consolidating leadership under the chairperson, a position currently held by former President Mohamed Nasheed. Yet its most consequential decision was the overwhelming endorsement, by 520 of the 563 delegates present, of a sweeping constitutional reform program titled Bodu Badhalu (meaning “Big Change” in Dhivehi).

Formally submitted by former Economic Development Minister Fayyaz Ismail, the program seeks to address perceived weaknesses in the constitution adopted during the country’s transition to multiparty democracy in 2008. It argues that, despite the formal separation of powers, the president can exercise excessive authority, particularly when backed by a parliamentary majority. It further contends that constitutional safeguards for fundamental rights, including freedoms of expression, assembly, and the press, offer inadequate protection against executive overreach.

To remedy this, its central proposal is to split the executive into two separate offices: head of state and head of government. The latter would be directly elected by voters in a national election but could be removed by parliament. The head of state would instead be appointed by a special assembly comprising parliamentarians and elected local councilors.

The program also proposes several changes to the legislature, including setting a fixed limit on parliamentary seats, whose number currently increases with population growth; introducing preferential voting; reserving seats for women; and exploring a bicameral system. Citizens would gain the power to recall elected officials, while the removal of Supreme Court judges would require approval through a public referendum. The program further proposes reforms to the appointment and oversight of independent constitutional bodies to reduce political interference.

Regardless of its merits or prospects for implementation, the program’s overwhelming endorsement marks a dramatic shift in the MDP’s internal politics. Most notably, it reflects Nasheed’s renewed grip on a party that, until recently, had treated him as a pariah. Although formally proposed by Fayyaz, the program also advances Nasheed’s longstanding ambition to change the Maldives’ system of government, an ambition he now pursues alongside Fayyaz, with whom he has forged an unlikely political alliance.

Nasheed has long championed a parliamentary system, having backed it unsuccessfully in a 2007 referendum before winning the presidency under the new constitution in 2008. Following his controversial ouster in 2012, he narrowly lost the disputed 2013 presidential election to Abdulla Yameen. A controversial terrorism conviction subsequently barred him from contesting the 2018 election, which was won instead by his erstwhile close ally Ibrahim Mohamed Solih. Nasheed went on to win a parliamentary seat in 2019 and became speaker, eyeing a return to executive power as prime minister under a parliamentary system.

However, Solih resisted Nasheed’s efforts to hold a referendum on replacing the presidential system with a parliamentary one. Nasheed sought to advance the proposal at the MDP’s fourth National Congress in August 2022 but faced opposition from Solih and Fayyaz, then party chairperson and economic development minister in Solih’s cabinet. Nasheed subsequently shelved the proposal.

Relations with the party deteriorated further after Nasheed challenged Solih during the MDP’s January 2023 presidential primary and lost. He subsequently vowed to “destroy” the MDP and left to join The Democrats, a new party formed by his loyalists. Ahead of the presidential runoff, The Democrats demanded a referendum on the system of government as a condition of their support. Although the MDP agreed to hold one after the election, The Democrats withheld their endorsement.

Following Solih’s defeat to current President Mohamed Muizzu, the MDP’s National Council voted overwhelmingly against a parliamentary system, reflecting widespread resentment toward Nasheed, whom many blamed for contributing to Solih’s electoral defeat.

Yet Nasheed has since made a remarkable political comeback, reclaiming leadership of the very party he once threatened to dismantle. After a two-year hiatus from Maldivian politics, during which he served as secretary general of the Climate Vulnerable Forum, he rejoined the MDP in 2025. Strikingly, his return to the party’s helm was aided by former Solih loyalists, most notably Fayyaz. It was Fayyaz’s resignation as chairperson that created the vacancy Nasheed subsequently contested.

For now, the partnership serves both men’s political ambitions, with Fayyaz having supported Nasheed’s return to the MDP leadership and Nasheed, in turn, backing Fayyaz’s presidential ambitions for 2028. Bodu Badhalu was unveiled in April 2026 as the centerpiece of Nasheed’s chairperson campaign. It culminated in his landslide victory over a Solih-backed candidate, reflecting a profound shift in the party’s internal balance of power. The congress’s subsequent endorsement of Bodu Badhalu demonstrates that Nasheed has, at least for now, brought the party behind his constitutional vision.

Although that vision differs significantly from the traditional Westminster-style parliamentary system Nasheed has long championed, it nevertheless offers him a potential path back to high office. While Nasheed has repeatedly pledged not to contest the presidency in 2028 and reaffirmed his support for Fayyaz, he has nonetheless expressed interest in serving as head of state under the proposed arrangement, with Fayyaz as head of government. The precise powers and titles of the two offices, however, remain unclear.

Whether their alliance will endure remains an open question. Nasheed’s previous partnership with Solih fractured once the latter secured the presidency and asserted his political independence from Nasheed. Although Fayyaz formally proposed Bodu Badhalu, he had previously opposed Nasheed’s efforts to amend the constitution, and his embrace of reform now serves the purpose of securing Nasheed’s support for his presidential bid. Should Fayyaz win the presidency, it is unclear why he would pursue reforms that could curtail his own powers and establish a rival center of authority.

Even if sincerely pursued, Bodu Badhalu faces several challenges. Fayyaz must first win a competitive MDP primary against contenders including former Foreign Minister Abdulla Shahid and former Vice President Faisal Naseem, who claims to have Solih’s backing (although earlier reports suggested Solih himself was considering a bid). Should another candidate secure the nomination, the congress’s endorsement offers no guarantee that the party would remain committed to the program.

Beyond the primary lies the 2028 presidential election. Even if the MDP returns to power, it would initially face a hostile parliament in which Muizzu’s People’s National Congress holds a two-thirds supermajority. The composition of the next parliament, to be elected in 2029, remains uncertain. Meanwhile, constitutional amendments require a three-quarters majority.

Public approval would present a further hurdle, as changes to the nature of presidential elections require a referendum. Indeed, despite commanding a parliamentary supermajority, President Mohamed Muizzu failed to secure public support for his own constitutional reform proposal in April 2026, when voters rejected his plan to merge presidential and parliamentary elections.

For now, Bodu Badhalu underscores Nasheed’s remarkable political comeback. Barely three years after vowing to dismantle the MDP, he has reclaimed its leadership and secured its backing for reforms that could return him to high office. The question remains whether he can translate that influence into electoral victory and bring the program to fruition.