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Migration enables Uzbek women to renegotiate traditional gender roles and assume greater economic responsibility, even if their experiences are shaped by legal precarity and social vulnerability.
Uzbekistan is characterized by a patriarchal social structure, where men are expected to serve as breadwinners, while women are primarily responsible for childcare and household duties. However, recent trends indicate a shift in traditional roles. A growing number of Uzbek women are migrating abroad as labor migrants, seeking economic opportunities.
While earlier patterns often involved women following male relatives to Russia, recent years have seen a rise in independent female migration.
During my fieldwork research with migrants in Turkiye, one phrase came up again and again: “Women are for Turkiye, men are for Russia.”
This reflects a shared perception of gendered migration routes and opportunities within Uzbek communities. It also reveals how migration destinations are socially coded through gender lines.
Turkiye is one of the most popular destinations for Uzbek female migrants. Data from Turkiye’s Ministry of Labor and Social Security show that in much of the last decade, there were significantly more female migrants than male migrants. Male migration shows greater fluctuation over that time period, with a particularly sharp rise in 2023 and 2024, while female migration remained steady. This suggests that women’s migration to Turkiye is not only sustained but structurally embedded in the labor market. The spike in male work permits in recent years can arguably be attributed to changing conditions in the political situation in Russia. Many Uzbek women in Turkiye are employed in the care sector, working as nannies or caregivers for the elderly and ill. Live-in arrangements are common, enabling them to reduce living expenses and maximize savings. At the same time, this type of work often renders them less visible to the authorities. A significant number enter Turkiye on tourist visas, benefiting from the 90-day visa-free regime, and later overstay while working informally without permits – these women are not reflected in the state’s official migration data. Their limited mobility – they are typically confined to employers’ homes with occasional outings – further reduces the likelihood of detection.
The women are, however, captured to an extent in other statistics. In 2025, Turkish authorities caught and fined 13,683 Uzbek nationals for irregular migration. The actual number of Uzbek migrants in Turkiye, including female migrants, exceeds official figures and the substantial informal labor market remains difficult to capture fully through formal statistics.
Why do Uzbek women choose Turkiye? There are several reasons: visa-free entry, cultural and linguistic affinities, and the availability of jobs considered socially acceptable for women. Many of these migrants are divorced or widowed. In their 30s or 40s they are assuming the role of primary breadwinners. Migration is often an individual decision, with children left in Uzbekistan under the care of relatives. Practical challenges such as housing constraints, legal documentation for schooling, and irregular status discourage family migration. In some cases, children brought to Turkiye attend informal or private courses to learn Turkish.
Remittances play a central role in sustaining households back home in Uzbekistan. Many women migrate with specific financial goals: building or renovating homes, funding weddings, or supporting their children’s education. Over time, migration can become circular, with evolving objectives across multiple trips.
Beyond economic motivations, Turkiye offers a degree of personal autonomy that may be less accessible in Uzbekistan, particularly for divorced women facing social stigma, or in Russia. Some migrants transition from labor migration to marriage. Notably, Uzbek women are among the most common foreign brides in Turkiye. Turkish statistics state that 13.7 percent of all foreign marriages were Uzbeks in 2025.
These dynamics illustrate how migration enables Uzbek women to renegotiate traditional gender roles and assume greater economic responsibility. At the same time, their experiences are shaped by legal precarity and social vulnerability, highlighting the complex balance between empowerment and risk in contemporary labor migration.


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