Myanmar’s military-backed government has again rejected the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s call for the release of detained leader Aung San Suu Kyi and dismissed the need for an ASEAN special envoy on Myanmar.

The statement came on Saturday, after the 11-nation Southeast Asian bloc renewed its call for the “unconditional release” of the 81-year-old leader, who was removed from power in the February 2021 coup and remains under house arrest in Naypyidaw.

On August 3, Aung San Suu Kyi was permitted to meet with a representative of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and the military authorities released four photos of the meeting.

In an ASEAN Chair’s Statement dated August 7, ASEAN welcomed the meeting, describing it as “a positive step towards inclusive national dialogue and reconciliation,” but urged greater access to political detainees and reiterated its call for Suu Kyi’s “complete and unconditional release.” It also renewed its earlier request that current special envoy on Myanmar, Philippine Foreign Secretary Ma. Theresa Lazaro, be allowed to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi on her next mission to the country.

In a statement on Saturday, Myanmar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected the ASEAN Chair’s request, echoing the denial that it made to an earlier request from Lazaro in late June.

“Although the government has commuted her sentences based on humanitarian considerations, the matter of a full and unconditional release shall only be carried out in accordance with the law,” it said.

After being removed in the coup in February 2021, Aung San Suu Kyi was charged with a range of far-fetched charges, including incitement, corruption, election fraud, and violation of Myanmar’s Official Secrets Act. Despite being granted several sentence reductions, she still has more than 18 years to serve in prison.

The Ministry added that the government will continue working with Lazaro for the remainder of her term, but doesn’t see the need to continue down that path when Singapore takes over ASEAN’s rotating chairmanship at the start of 2027.

“At present, the government, which emerged from the multiparty democratic elections reflecting the genuine will of the people, has assumed state responsibility,” the statement said. “Therefore, Myanmar is of the view that the appointment and the continued role of the new Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair are no longer necessary.”

The statement concluded by saying that Myanmar would “take appropriate countermeasures, on a case-by-case basis” in response to “unconstructive and discriminatory treatment” by ASEAN or any of its member states.

ASEAN has barred Myanmar from its summits since late 2021, over its failure to implement its Five-Point Consensus plan for resolving the country’s conflict. This involved pledges to cease violence, allow humanitarian access, and engage in political dialogue involving “all parties” to the country’s conflict.

Since assuming the office of president in April, Min Aung Hlaing has led a push for a normalization of Myanmar’s relationship ASEAN. In late April, in an apparent effort to placate skeptical member states, his administration announced Aung San Suu Kyi’s relocation from prison to house arrest and announced an amnesty of political prisoners. In this effort, it has enjoyed the strong support of neighbor Thailand, which hosted Min Aung Hlaing with full state honors last week. During the visit, the Thai government “reaffirmed its commitment to supporting and continuing to work closely with Myanmar for Myanmar’s full and equal participation in ASEAN mechanisms and processes.”

But rather than making even some cursory efforts at implementing the Five-Point Consensus, as one might expect, Naypyidaw has grown more defiant. In a speech on July 31, Min Aung Hlaing declared that the Consensus was “not the consensus of all ASEAN member states” and was therefore invalid. This came after the military-dominated Union Parliament last month passed a resolution rejecting the plan as an unwarranted interference in Myanmar’s internal affairs, stating that it “does not align with the current political developments in Myanmar.”

Officially, ASEAN continues to adhere to the Five-Point Consensus, which it says offers the only route toward normalization for Myanmar. Lazaro said last month that due to Myanmar’s lack of efforts at implementing the agreement, its full reintegration with ASEAN was still “far off.”

There is no obvious way out of the current deadlock. Myanmar is probably hoping that it can outwait ASEAN, perhaps banking on a more supportive chair when Thailand takes the bloc’s helm in 2028. Given the wavering opinion within ASEAN about the best means of dealing with the Myanmar issue, and the growing push for some kind of re-engagement, its expectations are not necessarily misplaced.